Every morning in America, approximately 22 million Black professionals wake up and prepare to perform an act of translation so habitual, so deeply embedded in the musculature of daily survival, that most of them no longer recognize they are doing it. They silence one voice and activate another. They flatten vowels that want to curve, stiffen syntax that wants to swing, excise words that carry the warmth of home and replace them with words that carry the chill of professional acceptability. They code-switch — a term that linguists use with clinical precision and that Black Americans understand with the bone-deep familiarity of people who have been doing it since the first day of kindergarten, when they discovered that the language their grandmother spoke with love and authority and perfect internal logic was, in the eyes of their teacher, wrong.

The cognitive science on this daily translation is unambiguous and largely unknown to the public. Courtney McCluney and colleagues at the University of Virginia published research in 2019 documenting what they called the “costs of code-switching” — the measurable cognitive and emotional toll extracted from professionals who must constantly monitor and modify their speech to conform to dominant cultural norms. Their findings demonstrated that code-switching consumes working memory, the same finite cognitive resource required for problem-solving, creative thinking, and complex decision-making. A Black professional in a meeting who is simultaneously processing the content of the discussion, formulating a response, and monitoring that response for any linguistic marker that might be perceived as “too Black” is performing a cognitive triple-task that their white colleague is not. The white colleague gets to think. The Black professional gets to think while translating.

McCluney, Courtney L., et al. "The Costs of Code-Switching." Harvard Business Review, November 2019.

The physiological data is equally stark. Code-switchers show elevated cortisol levels during and after switching episodes, indicating that the process triggers a stress response. Elevated cortisol, sustained over years and decades, is associated with reduced immune function, cardiovascular disease, cognitive decline, and shortened lifespan. The linguistic tax is not merely economic. It is biological. It is written into the body of every Black professional who has spent a career performing whiteness with their mouth while being Black in their skin.

AAVE Is Not Broken English

The premise of code-switching — the unstated assumption that makes it necessary — is that African American Vernacular English is an inferior form of communication, a degraded dialect, slang, broken English that must be corrected before the speaker can be taken seriously. This premise is linguistically illiterate. AAVE is a rule-governed linguistic system with consistent phonological patterns, a systematic grammar, and syntactic structures that Standard American English cannot replicate. The habitual “be” in AAVE (“he be working”) marks a habitual or recurring action — a grammatical distinction that Standard English must express through additional words (“he is usually working” or “he works regularly”). AAVE does in one morpheme what Standard English requires a phrase to accomplish. That is not linguistic deficiency. It is linguistic efficiency.

William Labov, the father of modern sociolinguistics, established in 1972 that AAVE is a systematic, rule-governed language variety with its own internal logic, no more deficient than any other dialect of English. His research dismantled the “verbal deprivation” theory — the idea that Black children’s language was impoverished — by demonstrating that AAVE speakers show identical cognitive complexity in their speech when analyzed by their own linguistic system rather than measured against Standard English norms. The perceived deficiency was not in the language. It was in the listener’s training.

Labov, William. "Language in the Inner City: Studies in the Black English Vernacular." University of Pennsylvania Press, 1972.

John Rickford’s testimony in the Oakland Ebonics controversy of 1996 brought this research into public view, briefly and explosively. When the Oakland Unified School District recognized AAVE as a distinct linguistic system and proposed using it as a bridge to Standard English instruction, the national reaction was one of mockery, outrage, and profound ignorance. Columnists who could not define a phoneme ridiculed the decision. Politicians who had never opened a linguistics textbook condemned it. And the research community — which overwhelmingly supported the linguistic validity of AAVE — watched in dismay as public opinion, fueled by prejudice and uninformed by science, crushed an approach that the evidence supported.

Rickford, John R., and Russell J. Rickford. "Spoken Soul: The Story of Black English." John Wiley & Sons, 2000.
“A Black professional in a meeting who is monitoring their speech for any marker that might be perceived as ‘too Black’ is performing a cognitive triple-task that their white colleague is not. The white colleague gets to think. The Black professional gets to think while translating.”

Linguistic Profiling as Economic Gatekeeping

John Baugh’s research on linguistic profiling documented what every Black American already knows: people can hear your race on the telephone, and they will discriminate accordingly. In controlled experiments, Baugh demonstrated that landlords, employers, and service providers responded differently to identical requests based solely on the perceived race of the caller’s speech patterns. Callers who used AAVE-inflected speech received fewer callbacks for apartment viewings, fewer invitations to job interviews, and less helpful responses from customer service representatives than callers who used Standard American English — even when the callers were the same person, switching between linguistic registers.

Baugh, John. "Linguistic Profiling." In "Black Linguistics: Language, Society, and Politics in Africa and the Americas," Routledge, 2003.

This is not accent discrimination in the general sense. Italian Americans are not asked to suppress their vowels to be hired. Boston Brahmin speech is not treated as evidence of intellectual deficiency. The broad drawl of a Texas oilman does not cost him a corporate board seat. Linguistic prejudice in America operates with surgical specificity against Black speech, and it functions as an economic gatekeeping mechanism that is more effective than explicit racial discrimination precisely because it is not recognized as such. You can sue an employer for not hiring you because you are Black. You cannot sue them for not hiring you because you sound Black. The effect is identical. The legal remedy does not exist.

Anne Charity Hudley and Christine Mallinson documented the educational dimension of this gatekeeping in their research on language in the classroom. They found that teachers — including Black teachers — systematically perceived AAVE-speaking students as less intelligent, less prepared, and less capable than Standard English-speaking students with identical academic performance. The linguistic bias operated independently of race: a Black student who spoke Standard English was perceived as more intelligent than a Black student who spoke AAVE, even when their test scores were the same. The language was doing the discrimination that explicit racial bias was no longer permitted to do.

Charity Hudley, Anne H., and Christine Mallinson. "Understanding English Language Variation in U.S. Schools." Teachers College Press, 2011.
Sponsored

Book Smart vs. Street Smart — Where Do You Fall?

Measure the intelligence that actually matters in the real world.

Take the Real World IQ Test →

The Trillion-Dollar Cognitive Drain

Consider the aggregate cost. There are approximately 22 million Black Americans in the workforce. If code-switching costs each of them even 10% of their cognitive capacity — and the research suggests the cost is significantly higher during active switching episodes — that represents a staggering drain on productivity, creativity, and innovation. These are engineers who are solving problems with 90% of their processing power because the other 10% is monitoring their speech. These are managers who are leading meetings with a portion of their attention devoted to linguistic self-surveillance. These are entrepreneurs whose creative energy is partially diverted toward the performance of linguistic acceptability.

No other immigrant group in America’s history has been asked to abandon its home language as the price of professional participation. German Americans spoke German at home and English at work and no one questioned their intelligence. Italian Americans brought their language into the workplace and it became charming, colorful, evidence of cultural richness. Jewish Americans peppered their English with Yiddish and the words entered the mainstream — chutzpah, schmuck, mensch — and were celebrated as contributions to the language. Only Black Americans are asked to treat their linguistic heritage as a contaminant, something to be scrubbed away before entering professional spaces, and the demand is so normalized that it is not even recognized as a demand. It is simply what you do to “sound professional.”

“The problem is not that Black children need to learn Standard English. The problem is that we pretend they don’t already speak a perfectly rule-governed, systematic, and expressive language. We treat their first language as a disease to be cured rather than a foundation to build on.”
— John Rickford

The Bilingual Advantage

The solution is hiding in plain sight, in a body of research that America has, characteristically, applied to every community except the one that needs it most. The bilingual advantage — the documented cognitive benefits of speaking two languages — is one of the most robust findings in developmental psychology. Bilingual individuals show enhanced executive function, superior working memory, greater cognitive flexibility, and delayed onset of cognitive decline in old age. These benefits accrue not from the languages themselves but from the act of switching between them, from the cognitive exercise of maintaining two linguistic systems and deploying the appropriate one in context.

AAVE speakers who also command Standard American English are, by definition, bilingual. They maintain two complete linguistic systems. They switch between them with a fluency that monolingual speakers cannot achieve. And yet, because AAVE is classified as a dialect rather than a language — a classification that is politically motivated rather than linguistically justified — its speakers receive none of the social credit that other bilingual individuals enjoy. A white professional who speaks French and English is cultured. A Black professional who speaks AAVE and Standard English is corrected. The cognitive exercise is identical. The social reward is inverted.

“Italian Americans brought their language into the workplace and it became charming. Jewish Americans peppered their English with Yiddish and the words were celebrated. Only Black Americans are asked to treat their linguistic heritage as a contaminant.”
Sponsored

How Strong Is Your Relationship Intelligence?

Science-backed assessment of your emotional and relational intelligence.

Take the REL-IQ Test →

Reclaiming the Asset

The reframe that is needed is not complicated. It is a shift from deficit to asset, from correction to recognition, from suppression to celebration. It requires treating AAVE-plus-Standard-English speakers as what they are — bidialectal individuals with a cognitive advantage — rather than as broken speakers in need of repair. It requires corporate environments that recognize linguistic diversity as a form of cognitive diversity, with the same productivity benefits that other forms of diversity provide. It requires educational systems that treat AAVE as a foundation for Standard English acquisition rather than an obstacle to it, following the research-supported approach that Oakland tried and America mocked.

The economic implications are enormous. If 22 million Black workers were freed from the cognitive tax of linguistic performance — if they could bring their full cognitive capacity to their work without reserving a portion for self-surveillance — the productivity gains would be measurable. If the linguistic gatekeeping that prevents AAVE speakers from accessing jobs, housing, and services were recognized and prohibited with the same legal force as other forms of discrimination, the economic inclusion would be transformative. And if the broader culture could learn what linguists have known for fifty years — that AAVE is not broken English but a complete, systematic, and expressive linguistic system — the psychological burden that Black Americans carry from kindergarten to retirement would be lifted.

This is not a call to abandon Standard English. It is a call to stop treating the mastery of two linguistic systems as evidence of deficiency rather than evidence of ability. It is a call to recognize that the code-switch, performed millions of times a day by millions of Black Americans, is an act of extraordinary cognitive skill that the nation punishes rather than rewards. And it is a call to calculate the cost — the real, measurable, trillion-dollar cost — of a nation that demands its most linguistically gifted citizens pretend to be less than they are, every day, in every meeting, on every call, for the duration of their working lives, so that the listeners who cannot hear the genius in their natural voice will not be made uncomfortable by the sound of it.