Before you can understand what the natural hair movement accomplished, you have to understand what it was up against, and to understand what it was up against, you have to follow the money. Not the money that Black women spent — though that number, $9.4 billion annually on hair care products and services, is staggering enough to fund a small nation’s entire GDP — but where that money went after it left their hands. For the better part of three decades, approximately 70% of the beauty supply stores in predominantly Black neighborhoods were owned by Korean Americans. The products on those shelves — relaxers, weaves, extensions, chemical straighteners — were distributed through exclusive arrangements with major manufacturers that effectively locked Black entrepreneurs out of the supply chain. A Black woman spending $200 per month on hair care was, in the vast majority of cases, sending that money to a business owned by someone who did not live in her neighborhood, did not employ people from her neighborhood, and did not reinvest in her neighborhood. She was the consumer. She was never the beneficiary.

The numbers are extraordinary in their specificity. Aron Ranen’s documentary Black Hair and subsequent investigative reporting revealed that Korean American merchants had established exclusive distribution agreements with major manufacturers of Black hair care products, meaning that a Black entrepreneur who wanted to open a beauty supply store could not obtain the same products at the same wholesale prices as Korean American competitors. The distribution network functioned as a cartel, not through illegal conspiracy but through the accumulated advantages of an ethnic business network that had been building market dominance since the 1970s. Korean American merchants pooled capital through kye (rotating credit associations), shared supplier relationships, and provided mutual support in ways that Black entrepreneurs, lacking comparable institutional infrastructure, could not match.

Byrd, Ayana D., and Lori L. Tharps. "Hair Story: Untangling the Roots of Black Hair in America." St. Martin's Griffin, 2014.

The Chemical Straightening Economy

The Korean dominance of the Black hair care supply chain was economically significant, but the deeper story is what was being sold. The products that generated the most revenue were chemical relaxers — sodium hydroxide or calcium hydroxide compounds that permanently alter the protein structure of hair to make it straight. The relaxer industry was built on a premise that was never stated explicitly but was understood by every Black girl who sat in the kitchen chair while her mother applied the burning cream: your natural hair is a problem that requires a chemical solution. The burning was the cost of acceptability. The damage — hair breakage, scalp burns, traction alopecia — was the price of professionalism. And the money flowed, month after month, year after year, from Black women’s pockets into a supply chain that did not employ them, did not serve their communities, and had no incentive to question the premise on which its profits depended.

Tabora Johnson and Teiahsha Bankhead documented the psychological dimensions of this economy in their research on hair and identity among Black women. They found that the pressure to straighten hair was experienced not as an aesthetic preference but as an economic necessity: women reported that natural hair was perceived as unprofessional, unkempt, and aggressive in workplace settings, and that wearing natural styles carried measurable career costs. The relaxer was not a beauty product. It was a career tool, purchased under economic duress, from a supply chain that profited from the insecurity that workplace discrimination created.

Johnson, Tabora A., and Teiahsha Bankhead. "Hair It Is: Examining the Experiences of Black Women with Natural Hair." Open Journal of Social Sciences, vol. 2, no. 1, 2014, pp. 145–159.

The health costs were documented and ignored. Chemical relaxers have been linked to uterine fibroids, hormone disruption, and increased cancer risk. A National Institutes of Health study published in the Journal of the National Cancer Institute found that women who used chemical hair straighteners more than four times per year had a significantly elevated risk of uterine cancer. The products that Black women were economically pressured to use, sold in stores they did not own, were making them sick in ways that the industry had no incentive to disclose.

“The relaxer was never a beauty product. It was a career tool, purchased under economic duress, from a supply chain that profited from the insecurity that workplace discrimination created.”

The Revolution That Started on YouTube

The natural hair movement did not begin with a manifesto or a march. It began with a tutorial. In the late 2000s, Black women began posting YouTube videos showing other Black women how to care for their natural hair — how to do twist-outs and wash-and-gos, how to use shea butter and coconut oil, how to embrace the texture that the chemical industry had spent forty years teaching them to destroy. The videos were amateur, personal, and revolutionary. They demonstrated, to an audience of millions, that natural Black hair was not a problem to be solved but a texture to be understood, and that the products needed to care for it could be simple, inexpensive, and — crucially — made by Black-owned companies.

The market responded with speed that should have been humiliating to every economist who claimed that consumer behavior change was insufficient to address structural economic problems. Chemical relaxer sales declined by 37% between 2012 and 2018, according to Mintel’s comprehensive analysis of the Black hair care market. In the same period, the natural hair care segment grew by over 30%. Black women were not just changing their hairstyles. They were redirecting billions of dollars away from a supply chain that had extracted their wealth for decades and toward products and businesses that served their actual needs.

Mintel. "Black Consumers and Hair Care — US." Mintel Group, 2018.

The entrepreneurial response was equally dramatic. Carol’s Daughter, founded by Lisa Price in her Brooklyn kitchen, grew into a national brand serving the natural hair market. Mielle Organics, founded by Monique Rodriguez, became one of the fastest-growing Black-owned beauty brands in American history. The Mane Choice, Camille Rose Naturals, Aunt Jackie’s — a wave of Black-owned brands emerged to serve a market that the Korean-dominated supply chain had never been designed to serve, because the supply chain was built on the premise that Black women wanted to alter their hair, not celebrate it.

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The CROWN Act: Legal Protection for Natural Hair

The cultural shift created the political conditions for legal reform. The CROWN Act — Creating a Respectful and Open World for Natural Hair — was introduced to ban discrimination based on hair texture and protective hairstyles in workplaces and schools. California passed the first state-level CROWN Act in 2019. By 2024, more than twenty states had followed. The federal CROWN Act passed the House of Representatives in 2022, though it has faced resistance in the Senate.

The legislative victories are significant not because they solve the underlying problem — no law can eliminate aesthetic prejudice — but because they remove the economic weapon that had been used to enforce chemical compliance. When a Black woman can be fired for wearing locs, she has an economic incentive to chemically straighten her hair, and that incentive feeds the supply chain that extracts her wealth. When the law prohibits hair discrimination, the economic incentive is removed, and the consumer is free to make a choice that was never truly available before: the choice to stop spending money on a product that damages her health and enriches businesses that do not serve her community.

The Economics of Going Natural

The individual financial impact of the natural hair transition is significant enough to constitute a personal economic intervention. A Black woman who maintained a relaxer routine typically spent $150 to $300 per salon visit, every six to eight weeks, for retouch, deep conditioning, and styling. Annual cost: $1,200 to $2,600 for relaxer maintenance alone. Add weaves and extensions ($200 to $1,000 per installation, multiple times per year), edge control, heat styling tools, and the specialized products required to maintain chemically treated hair, and the total annual expenditure ranges from $2,000 to $5,000.

A woman who transitions to natural hair and adopts a simplified routine — a moisturizing shampoo, a deep conditioner, a leave-in, an oil — spends a fraction of that amount. The savings range from $1,000 to $3,000 per year, depending on previous spending habits. Over a thirty-year career, at conservative estimates, the transition to natural hair saves a Black woman between $30,000 and $90,000 — money that can be redirected to retirement savings, education, homeownership, or entrepreneurship. The natural hair movement is not just a cultural statement. It is a wealth-building strategy.

“The natural hair movement redirected $2.5 billion from a supply chain that extracted Black wealth into Black-owned businesses and Black women’s savings accounts. No government program accomplished what consumer behavior change did.”

A Model for Economic Reclamation

The natural hair movement is the most successful example of Black economic reclamation in a generation, and its mechanics deserve to be studied and replicated. It succeeded because it combined two forces that are usually treated as separate: consumer behavior change and entrepreneurship. The consumer shift — millions of Black women choosing to stop buying relaxers — created the market opportunity. The entrepreneurial response — hundreds of Black-owned brands launching to serve that market — captured the economic value that the shift produced. Neither force alone would have been sufficient. Consumer behavior change without Black-owned alternatives would simply have redirected spending to white-owned natural hair brands (as partially happened with Shea Moisture’s acquisition by Unilever). Entrepreneurship without consumer behavior change would have produced Black-owned brands competing for a tiny niche while the relaxer market continued to dominate.

“I am not my hair. I am not this skin. I am not your expectations. I am not my hair. I am the soul that lives within.”
— India.Arie

The model is transferable. The Black hair care market is not the only market in which Black consumer dollars flow predominantly to non-Black-owned businesses. The same pattern exists in food (Black neighborhoods are served disproportionately by non-Black-owned grocery and convenience stores), in financial services (check-cashing outlets and payday lenders in Black neighborhoods are overwhelmingly non-Black-owned), in technology (Black consumers are among the heaviest users of social media platforms owned by companies with minimal Black representation). In each of these markets, the same two-pronged strategy could be applied: shift consumer behavior to create market demand, and support Black entrepreneurship to capture that demand.

The Shea Moisture cautionary tale is equally instructive. When Sundial Brands, the Black-owned parent company of Shea Moisture, was acquired by Unilever in 2017 for an estimated $1.6 billion, the acquisition was celebrated as a success story — a Black-founded brand achieving a billion-dollar exit. But what followed was predictable: the product formulations changed, the marketing shifted to target a broader (whiter) audience, and the brand’s identity as a Black-owned, Black-serving product was diluted. The wealth created by the acquisition went to the founders and their investors. It did not remain in the community. The lesson is that economic reclamation is not complete when Black entrepreneurs succeed. It is complete when the institutions that Black entrepreneurs build remain in Black ownership and continue to serve Black communities.

This is not an argument against acquisition or against building businesses that appeal to a broad market. It is an observation that the natural hair movement’s greatest achievement — the redirection of billions of dollars from a non-Black supply chain to Black-owned businesses — is vulnerable to reversal through the same corporate acquisition strategies that have captured Black economic gains in every previous generation. The community that built these brands must also build the financial infrastructure to maintain ownership of them, through community investment funds, cooperative ownership models, and a cultural expectation that the wealth generated by Black consumers from Black-owned businesses remains, permanently and irrevocably, in Black hands.

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What the natural hair movement proved is that Black economic power is not theoretical. It is actionable, it is measurable, and it can be deployed at a scale that restructures entire industries. Twenty million Black women, making individual consumer decisions based on a combination of cultural pride and economic self-interest, redirected $2.5 billion in annual spending and created a new industry segment in less than a decade. No government program accomplished this. No nonprofit initiative achieved it. No diversity consultant facilitated it. Black women, acting in their own interest, with information shared through their own media channels, changed their behavior and changed an industry. The template exists. The proof of concept is complete. The only question is whether the community will apply the same strategy to the dozen other markets where Black consumer dollars flow out of Black communities and into the pockets of people who have no stake in those communities’ survival. The hair proved it can be done. The question now is everything else.